ABC Information Photograph Illustration / Win McNamee / Getty Pictures
In his presidential marketing campaign, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has pitched himself as a transformational chief who has reshaped the politics of his residence state. His 2022 reelection by 19 proportion factors “was not only a large victory,” he has argued. “It was actually a basic realignment of Florida from being a swing state to being a crimson state.” And most political evaluation agrees that the Sunshine State, as soon as recognized for its impossibly shut elections, is now a comfortably Republican-leaning state.
But it surely’s unclear how a lot credit score DeSantis himself deserves for this shift — or if it even counts as a realignment in any respect. Probably the most outstanding argument in his favor, that Republicans have moved to the state due to his COVID-19 insurance policies, is tough to show. His funding within the state GOP seems to have paid actual dividends, however a number of different elements contributed to that push’s success. He most likely didn’t have a lot to do with one other one in every of Florida Republicans’ largest accomplishments over the previous few years: their inroads with Hispanic voters.
And at last, there’s appreciable doubt over whether or not DeSantis’s premise — that Florida will proceed to be a secure Republican state going ahead — is even appropriate. The information suggests DeSantis’s 2022 rout was a historic outlier, pushed by a large partisan turnout hole, and it’s unwise to make sweeping pronouncements based mostly on only one election.
‘Political refugees’ may not be such a game-changer
Ask many Florida Republicans, they usually’ll inform you Florida has gotten redder as a result of DeSantis’s well-known opposition to COVID-19 restrictions throughout the pandemic drew anti-lockdown Republicans to the state in droves. “COVID, and Gov. DeSantis’s insurance policies that had been applied throughout COVID, is in my opinion chargeable for the deeper shade of crimson that Florida has now grow to be,” mentioned Justin Sayfie, a outstanding Florida Republican political guide.
The issue with this principle is that Florida’s inhabitants was already increasing even earlier than COVID-19 hit. It’s true that the pandemic had a very large influence on Florida: In keeping with American Group Survey estimates, 674,740 individuals moved to Florida from a distinct state or the District of Columbia in 2021, the largest inflow of home migrants into any state. However by Florida’s requirements, it wasn’t that uncommon. Whereas the 2021 uptick was an even bigger quantity than any yr from 2011 to 2019, it was per the final development of increasingly individuals transferring to Florida as the last decade wore on. And solely 73,129 extra home migrants moved to Florida in 2021 than in 2019, earlier than the pandemic.
After all, these newcomers to the Sunshine State might be qualitatively completely different from their pre-pandemic predecessors: extra Republican, extra ideologically motivated. Sayfie says that, anecdotally, a number of current transplants have instructed him that they moved to flee COVID-19 restrictions. “The explanation they’re coming is that they’re political refugees. They’re looking for refuge from the insurance policies of their residence states.”
However all of the outdated causes individuals moved to Florida earlier than the pandemic didn’t go away in a single day, both. We couldn’t discover a scientific ballot asking individuals why they moved to Florida, however the Tampa Bay Occasions put out an open name for solutions to that query in 2022, and the commonest responses had been decrease taxes, inexpensive housing costs and good climate. That’s per analysis that has discovered that most individuals who transfer accomplish that for monetary, not political causes. (To make sure, “decrease taxes” counts as a political cause to maneuver — nevertheless it’s not one which DeSantis can take credit score for, because the state structure has banned private revenue taxes since 1968.)
A number of respondents to the Tampa Bay Occasions did cite coronavirus restrictions as a cause for his or her transfer, so it’s potential that a number of the enhance in migration from 2019 to 2021 was due to DeSantis’s insurance policies. Then again, a number of respondents additionally cited their newfound skill to work remotely, which is one other potential rationalization for the 2021 spike. Total, it’s robust to say with any confidence that DeSantis’s COVID-19 coverage prompted a big variety of individuals to maneuver to the state who wouldn’t have executed so in any other case, a lot much less an inflow of latest residents that was giant sufficient to vary the state’s political composition.
DeSantis has executed a variety of party-building
DeSantis most likely had extra of an influence on Florida’s political hue by investing in marketing campaign subject operations to develop the state GOP. There are at present 525,418 extra registered Republican voters in Florida than there have been on the finish of 2018, and a few of that development might be credited to DeSantis. Shortly after his 2019 inauguration, he directed the state GOP to give attention to registering extra Republican voters. The GOP’s internet enhance of greater than 40,000 voters that yr was the get together’s largest acquire within the yr earlier than a presidential election this century. Then, in 2020, the get together added a contemporary document of almost half 1,000,000 voters on internet. In 2021, DeSantis contributed $2 million to the registration push, and it paid off that November, when the variety of registered Republicans finally surpassed the variety of registered Democrats. Lastly, in 2022, amid DeSantis’s reelection marketing campaign, the GOP capped off a formidable quadrennium by including 188,323 Republicans to the rolls on internet. You guessed it: That was essentially the most for a midterm yr in a minimum of 20 years.
However as useful as DeSantis was to those efforts, he can’t take full credit score. Because the chart above makes clear, Republicans had been closing the registration hole with Democrats for fairly a while — and their efforts actually went into overdrive beginning in 2016, a few years earlier than DeSantis got here on the scene. Former President Donald Trump’s marketing campaign most likely deserves kudos for the dramatic enhance in Republican registration in each 2016 and 2020.
And of their quest to take the lead in get together registration, Republicans acquired the largest help from an unlikely supply: Democrats. Along with these 525,418 extra registered Republicans, Florida additionally has 299,808 fewer registered Democrats than it did on the finish of 2018 — regardless of the state’s inhabitants development. The Florida Democratic Get together has, for years, been in shambles, they usually have been unable to spend money on the type of registration efforts essential to fight pure attrition from the voter rolls. If the get together had merely been in a position to maintain regular on the 5,315,954 registered voters it had on the finish of 2020, registered Democrats would nonetheless outnumber Republicans statewide — regardless of DeSantis’s greatest efforts.
Hispanic voters didn’t swing simply due to DeSantis
You can also’t discuss concerning the GOP’s current dominance in Florida with out speaking concerning the important inroads they’ve made amongst Latinos. In keeping with Catalist, a Democratic-aligned information agency that makes use of the voter file to research previous elections, Hispanic assist for Florida Democrats cratered in 2022. Former Rep. Charlie Crist, Democrats’ gubernatorial nominee, acquired simply 44 % of the Hispanic vote. Against this, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton obtained 66 % of the Hispanic vote as lately because the 2016 presidential race. That’s a giant deal in a state whose citizen voting-age inhabitants is 21 % Hispanic.
But it surely’s laborious to say that Hispanic voters are transferring proper due to DeSantis. For one factor, the Republican shift began nicely earlier than the 2022 marketing campaign. In 2020, President Biden acquired simply 50 % of the Hispanic vote in Florida, in keeping with Catalist, which accounts for many of the drop between 2016 and 2022. If anybody deserves credit score for this, it’s most likely Trump, who appealed to Hispanic voters together with his personal push to reopen the financial system throughout the pandemic, in addition to with focused outreach to Florida’s various Hispanic communities. And naturally, Latinos’ rightward swing is a nationwide phenomenon, not only a Florida one. Nationally, Hispanic assist for Democrats fell from 71 % in 2016 to 62 % in each 2020 and 2022.
That mentioned, Latinos did proceed to maneuver towards Republicans between 2020 and 2022 in Florida when they didn’t accomplish that nationally. That would have been due to DeSantis, or it may have been as a result of Florida’s Hispanic inhabitants is exclusive (whereas most Latinos nationally are Mexican American, Florida’s Hispanic neighborhood principally consists of individuals of Cuban, Puerto Rican and South American descent, who could have completely different political priorities).
Or there may not have been motion in any respect, and Republicans ended up with larger assist amongst Latinos in 2022 just because many Hispanic Democrats in Florida simply didn’t trouble turning out to vote in 2022. In keeping with Florida Democratic information analyst Matthew Isbell, there have been 959,980 Latinos registered as Democrats in Florida on the time of the 2022 election, versus simply 728,027 who had been registered as Republicans. However solely about one-third of these Hispanic Democrats truly voted, in contrast with greater than half of Hispanic Republicans, which meant that the precise voters contained extra Hispanic Republicans than Hispanic Democrats. In different phrases, a variety of DeSantis’s success with Latinos in 2022 was because of disparities in turnout.
Florida may not be that crimson anyway
Dive into the turnout numbers for 2022 and a fair larger downside for DeSantis’s narrative emerges. Numerous DeSantis’s success throughout the board was because of disparities in turnout. Total, Isbell discovered that 63.4 % of Florida’s registered Republicans forged a poll in 2022, however solely 48.6 % of its registered Democrats did. That 14.8-point turnout hole was means out of line with the 2016, 2018 and 2020 elections in Florida.
2022 noticed an enormous partisan turnout hole in Florida
Share of Democratic registered voters who forged a poll versus the share of Republican registered voters who forged a poll, in Florida common elections since 2012
| Election | Dem. Turnout | GOP Turnout | Hole |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2012 | 72.0% | 78.0% | R+5.9 |
| 2014 | 50.1 | 60.4 | R+10.3 |
| 2016 | 74.2 | 81.1 | R+6.9 |
| 2018 | 64.4 | 71.0 | R+6.5 |
| 2020 | 77.2 | 83.8 | R+6.5 |
| 2022 | 48.6 | 63.4 | R+14.8 |
Neglect the query of whether or not DeSantis deserves credit score for Florida’s swing to the fitting — this raises the query of how a lot Florida has swung in any respect. In any case, 2022 was just one election, and historical past is rife with examples of landslide victories in swing states that didn’t completely change the states’ political nature. (Take Nevada, which reelected then-Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval by 47 factors in 2014 in between voting for then-President Barack Obama by 7 factors in 2012 and Clinton by 2 factors in 2016.) There’s proof that Florida has been drifting towards Republicans lately, however that development predates DeSantis, and there was no signal earlier than 2022 that it might grow to be a state the place Republicans win by 19 factors with any regularity.
Florida is a crimson state, however not that crimson
How Florida has voted in presidential and gubernatorial elections since 2000
| 12 months | Workplace | Dem. | GOP | Margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | President | 48.8% | 48.9% | R+0.0 |
| 2002 | Governor | 43.2 | 56.0 | R+12.9 |
| 2004 | President | 47.1 | 52.1 | R+5.0 |
| 2006 | Governor | 45.1 | 52.2 | R+7.1 |
| 2008 | President | 50.9 | 48.1 | D+2.8 |
| 2010 | Governor | 47.7 | 48.9 | R+1.2 |
| 2012 | President | 49.9 | 49.0 | D+0.9 |
| 2014 | Governor | 47.1 | 48.1 | R+1.1 |
| 2016 | President | 47.4 | 48.6 | R+1.2 |
| 2018 | Governor | 49.2 | 49.6 | R+0.4 |
| 2020 | President | 47.8 | 51.1 | R+3.4 |
| 2022 | Governor | 40.0 | 59.4 | R+19.4 |
Given all of the proof, it appears extra probably that DeSantis is “simply” a powerful candidate with a powerful political operation than a politician who has essentially reshaped Florida politics. Even Sayfie, who does consider DeSantis has helped make Florida considerably redder, thinks 2022 will show to be an outlier. DeSantis acquired additional credit score from voters due to his anti-lockdown insurance policies throughout the pandemic, he mentioned, that future Republican candidates received’t profit from. “That excellent political storm won’t occur once more.”
ABC Information Photograph Illustration / Win McNamee / Getty Pictures
In his presidential marketing campaign, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has pitched himself as a transformational chief who has reshaped the politics of his residence state. His 2022 reelection by 19 proportion factors “was not only a large victory,” he has argued. “It was actually a basic realignment of Florida from being a swing state to being a crimson state.” And most political evaluation agrees that the Sunshine State, as soon as recognized for its impossibly shut elections, is now a comfortably Republican-leaning state.
But it surely’s unclear how a lot credit score DeSantis himself deserves for this shift — or if it even counts as a realignment in any respect. Probably the most outstanding argument in his favor, that Republicans have moved to the state due to his COVID-19 insurance policies, is tough to show. His funding within the state GOP seems to have paid actual dividends, however a number of different elements contributed to that push’s success. He most likely didn’t have a lot to do with one other one in every of Florida Republicans’ largest accomplishments over the previous few years: their inroads with Hispanic voters.
And at last, there’s appreciable doubt over whether or not DeSantis’s premise — that Florida will proceed to be a secure Republican state going ahead — is even appropriate. The information suggests DeSantis’s 2022 rout was a historic outlier, pushed by a large partisan turnout hole, and it’s unwise to make sweeping pronouncements based mostly on only one election.
‘Political refugees’ may not be such a game-changer
Ask many Florida Republicans, they usually’ll inform you Florida has gotten redder as a result of DeSantis’s well-known opposition to COVID-19 restrictions throughout the pandemic drew anti-lockdown Republicans to the state in droves. “COVID, and Gov. DeSantis’s insurance policies that had been applied throughout COVID, is in my opinion chargeable for the deeper shade of crimson that Florida has now grow to be,” mentioned Justin Sayfie, a outstanding Florida Republican political guide.
The issue with this principle is that Florida’s inhabitants was already increasing even earlier than COVID-19 hit. It’s true that the pandemic had a very large influence on Florida: In keeping with American Group Survey estimates, 674,740 individuals moved to Florida from a distinct state or the District of Columbia in 2021, the largest inflow of home migrants into any state. However by Florida’s requirements, it wasn’t that uncommon. Whereas the 2021 uptick was an even bigger quantity than any yr from 2011 to 2019, it was per the final development of increasingly individuals transferring to Florida as the last decade wore on. And solely 73,129 extra home migrants moved to Florida in 2021 than in 2019, earlier than the pandemic.
After all, these newcomers to the Sunshine State might be qualitatively completely different from their pre-pandemic predecessors: extra Republican, extra ideologically motivated. Sayfie says that, anecdotally, a number of current transplants have instructed him that they moved to flee COVID-19 restrictions. “The explanation they’re coming is that they’re political refugees. They’re looking for refuge from the insurance policies of their residence states.”
However all of the outdated causes individuals moved to Florida earlier than the pandemic didn’t go away in a single day, both. We couldn’t discover a scientific ballot asking individuals why they moved to Florida, however the Tampa Bay Occasions put out an open name for solutions to that query in 2022, and the commonest responses had been decrease taxes, inexpensive housing costs and good climate. That’s per analysis that has discovered that most individuals who transfer accomplish that for monetary, not political causes. (To make sure, “decrease taxes” counts as a political cause to maneuver — nevertheless it’s not one which DeSantis can take credit score for, because the state structure has banned private revenue taxes since 1968.)
A number of respondents to the Tampa Bay Occasions did cite coronavirus restrictions as a cause for his or her transfer, so it’s potential that a number of the enhance in migration from 2019 to 2021 was due to DeSantis’s insurance policies. Then again, a number of respondents additionally cited their newfound skill to work remotely, which is one other potential rationalization for the 2021 spike. Total, it’s robust to say with any confidence that DeSantis’s COVID-19 coverage prompted a big variety of individuals to maneuver to the state who wouldn’t have executed so in any other case, a lot much less an inflow of latest residents that was giant sufficient to vary the state’s political composition.
DeSantis has executed a variety of party-building
DeSantis most likely had extra of an influence on Florida’s political hue by investing in marketing campaign subject operations to develop the state GOP. There are at present 525,418 extra registered Republican voters in Florida than there have been on the finish of 2018, and a few of that development might be credited to DeSantis. Shortly after his 2019 inauguration, he directed the state GOP to give attention to registering extra Republican voters. The GOP’s internet enhance of greater than 40,000 voters that yr was the get together’s largest acquire within the yr earlier than a presidential election this century. Then, in 2020, the get together added a contemporary document of almost half 1,000,000 voters on internet. In 2021, DeSantis contributed $2 million to the registration push, and it paid off that November, when the variety of registered Republicans finally surpassed the variety of registered Democrats. Lastly, in 2022, amid DeSantis’s reelection marketing campaign, the GOP capped off a formidable quadrennium by including 188,323 Republicans to the rolls on internet. You guessed it: That was essentially the most for a midterm yr in a minimum of 20 years.
However as useful as DeSantis was to those efforts, he can’t take full credit score. Because the chart above makes clear, Republicans had been closing the registration hole with Democrats for fairly a while — and their efforts actually went into overdrive beginning in 2016, a few years earlier than DeSantis got here on the scene. Former President Donald Trump’s marketing campaign most likely deserves kudos for the dramatic enhance in Republican registration in each 2016 and 2020.
And of their quest to take the lead in get together registration, Republicans acquired the largest help from an unlikely supply: Democrats. Along with these 525,418 extra registered Republicans, Florida additionally has 299,808 fewer registered Democrats than it did on the finish of 2018 — regardless of the state’s inhabitants development. The Florida Democratic Get together has, for years, been in shambles, they usually have been unable to spend money on the type of registration efforts essential to fight pure attrition from the voter rolls. If the get together had merely been in a position to maintain regular on the 5,315,954 registered voters it had on the finish of 2020, registered Democrats would nonetheless outnumber Republicans statewide — regardless of DeSantis’s greatest efforts.
Hispanic voters didn’t swing simply due to DeSantis
You can also’t discuss concerning the GOP’s current dominance in Florida with out speaking concerning the important inroads they’ve made amongst Latinos. In keeping with Catalist, a Democratic-aligned information agency that makes use of the voter file to research previous elections, Hispanic assist for Florida Democrats cratered in 2022. Former Rep. Charlie Crist, Democrats’ gubernatorial nominee, acquired simply 44 % of the Hispanic vote. Against this, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton obtained 66 % of the Hispanic vote as lately because the 2016 presidential race. That’s a giant deal in a state whose citizen voting-age inhabitants is 21 % Hispanic.
But it surely’s laborious to say that Hispanic voters are transferring proper due to DeSantis. For one factor, the Republican shift began nicely earlier than the 2022 marketing campaign. In 2020, President Biden acquired simply 50 % of the Hispanic vote in Florida, in keeping with Catalist, which accounts for many of the drop between 2016 and 2022. If anybody deserves credit score for this, it’s most likely Trump, who appealed to Hispanic voters together with his personal push to reopen the financial system throughout the pandemic, in addition to with focused outreach to Florida’s various Hispanic communities. And naturally, Latinos’ rightward swing is a nationwide phenomenon, not only a Florida one. Nationally, Hispanic assist for Democrats fell from 71 % in 2016 to 62 % in each 2020 and 2022.
That mentioned, Latinos did proceed to maneuver towards Republicans between 2020 and 2022 in Florida when they didn’t accomplish that nationally. That would have been due to DeSantis, or it may have been as a result of Florida’s Hispanic inhabitants is exclusive (whereas most Latinos nationally are Mexican American, Florida’s Hispanic neighborhood principally consists of individuals of Cuban, Puerto Rican and South American descent, who could have completely different political priorities).
Or there may not have been motion in any respect, and Republicans ended up with larger assist amongst Latinos in 2022 just because many Hispanic Democrats in Florida simply didn’t trouble turning out to vote in 2022. In keeping with Florida Democratic information analyst Matthew Isbell, there have been 959,980 Latinos registered as Democrats in Florida on the time of the 2022 election, versus simply 728,027 who had been registered as Republicans. However solely about one-third of these Hispanic Democrats truly voted, in contrast with greater than half of Hispanic Republicans, which meant that the precise voters contained extra Hispanic Republicans than Hispanic Democrats. In different phrases, a variety of DeSantis’s success with Latinos in 2022 was because of disparities in turnout.
Florida may not be that crimson anyway
Dive into the turnout numbers for 2022 and a fair larger downside for DeSantis’s narrative emerges. Numerous DeSantis’s success throughout the board was because of disparities in turnout. Total, Isbell discovered that 63.4 % of Florida’s registered Republicans forged a poll in 2022, however solely 48.6 % of its registered Democrats did. That 14.8-point turnout hole was means out of line with the 2016, 2018 and 2020 elections in Florida.
2022 noticed an enormous partisan turnout hole in Florida
Share of Democratic registered voters who forged a poll versus the share of Republican registered voters who forged a poll, in Florida common elections since 2012
| Election | Dem. Turnout | GOP Turnout | Hole |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2012 | 72.0% | 78.0% | R+5.9 |
| 2014 | 50.1 | 60.4 | R+10.3 |
| 2016 | 74.2 | 81.1 | R+6.9 |
| 2018 | 64.4 | 71.0 | R+6.5 |
| 2020 | 77.2 | 83.8 | R+6.5 |
| 2022 | 48.6 | 63.4 | R+14.8 |
Neglect the query of whether or not DeSantis deserves credit score for Florida’s swing to the fitting — this raises the query of how a lot Florida has swung in any respect. In any case, 2022 was just one election, and historical past is rife with examples of landslide victories in swing states that didn’t completely change the states’ political nature. (Take Nevada, which reelected then-Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval by 47 factors in 2014 in between voting for then-President Barack Obama by 7 factors in 2012 and Clinton by 2 factors in 2016.) There’s proof that Florida has been drifting towards Republicans lately, however that development predates DeSantis, and there was no signal earlier than 2022 that it might grow to be a state the place Republicans win by 19 factors with any regularity.
Florida is a crimson state, however not that crimson
How Florida has voted in presidential and gubernatorial elections since 2000
| 12 months | Workplace | Dem. | GOP | Margin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2000 | President | 48.8% | 48.9% | R+0.0 |
| 2002 | Governor | 43.2 | 56.0 | R+12.9 |
| 2004 | President | 47.1 | 52.1 | R+5.0 |
| 2006 | Governor | 45.1 | 52.2 | R+7.1 |
| 2008 | President | 50.9 | 48.1 | D+2.8 |
| 2010 | Governor | 47.7 | 48.9 | R+1.2 |
| 2012 | President | 49.9 | 49.0 | D+0.9 |
| 2014 | Governor | 47.1 | 48.1 | R+1.1 |
| 2016 | President | 47.4 | 48.6 | R+1.2 |
| 2018 | Governor | 49.2 | 49.6 | R+0.4 |
| 2020 | President | 47.8 | 51.1 | R+3.4 |
| 2022 | Governor | 40.0 | 59.4 | R+19.4 |
Given all of the proof, it appears extra probably that DeSantis is “simply” a powerful candidate with a powerful political operation than a politician who has essentially reshaped Florida politics. Even Sayfie, who does consider DeSantis has helped make Florida considerably redder, thinks 2022 will show to be an outlier. DeSantis acquired additional credit score from voters due to his anti-lockdown insurance policies throughout the pandemic, he mentioned, that future Republican candidates received’t profit from. “That excellent political storm won’t occur once more.”
